The Left in Macedonia: between fall and rise
This analysis explores the potential for the revival of the left (with a lowercase "l") in the region, driven by two key factors: my recent political engagement on the Macedonian political scene (as a 2024 presidential candidate of the Left), which provided practical insights from within, and an intriguing book that sparked theoretical motivation and raised numerous questions. Let me begin with the latter.
Recently, a book titled The Revival of the Left in the BalkansCounter-Hegemonic Activism and Ideas that Fueled It was published by a renowned international publisher. Its author, Filip Balunović, is a young and exceptional Serbian political scientist with leftist leanings. Upon opening the book, one immediately notices that, although it discusses the Balkans, the region seems to have faded from the intellectual and academic horizons of the younger generation of scholars, including leftists. The author focuses solely on developments and trends in the so-called triangle of Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Other parts of the former Yugoslavia are mentioned only in passing, without in-depth analysis.
A broader search for scholarly or professional works on leftist forces or ideology in Macedonia yields equally modest results. Despite empirical evidence showing an upswing—evidenced by the growth of the political party "Levica" from 2015 to 2025—theoretical reflection on this phenomenon remains scarce. I am not referring to columns, interviews, or short comments in domestic and foreign media, which often lack theoretical and methodological depth. Instead, the public discourse is dominated by negative, pejorative, and even disqualifying labels (such as accusations of fascism, nationalism, or populism) directed at the left. Although "Levica" has become a parliamentary force for the second time, it remains largely excluded from national (mainstream) media, limiting its ability to explain its positions and proposals. In the parliamentary arena, it has distinguished itself as the "only true opposition," as some have called it. Recently, it won its first parliamentary battle by initiating an interpellation—though, in this case too, the credit was claimed by others.
Towards the end of 2024, together with a Chinese colleague, I began working on a longer scholarly article (in English) titled “The Left in Macedonia: Obstacles and Opportunities for Revival”. If you're wondering why a Chinese professor, the answer is simple: I bring expertise on the situation in the country and the region, while he offers insights from a nation that actively lives and practices leftist ideology. China, of course, is not the only communist/socialist state; others include Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, and Laos. My point is this: socialism is not dead, as some claim. In different circumstances, in specific variants, and with varying results, socialism remains a viable alternative. While the dominant narrative suggests that the so-called Second Cold War (between the US/West and China) lacks the ideological foundation of the First, this is debatable and warrants further discussion. This is especially true given the deep political, economic, and moral decline of neoliberal and capitalist ideology. The current turbo-militarization of the EU (under US influence) and the genocide in Gaza evoke historical parallels to the "1939 moment." Meanwhile, the left is gaining strength in the Global South and parts of Europe, albeit at a slower pace. As British communist activist Jyoti Brar notes, the Western capitalist mechanism controls the narrative about both the past and the future, which is why the experiences and successes of leftist forces are often demonized or downplayed. In just thirty years, even in our region, the achievements of the previous socialist system have become a taboo topic. The only quasi-ideology—bordering on religious dogma—is the one promoting the virtues and benefits of joining NATO and the EU. Globally, few dare to ask this simple question: if capitalism is inherently linked to neoliberal democracy, how is it possible that, after decades of dominance since the "end of history" (Fukuyama), the world is teetering on the brink of global war, ecological devastation, and even nuclear Armageddon? If democracy brings universal values, where are those values in the old democracies? How can figures like Donald Trump or Joe Biden be called democratic leaders when society is controlled by a 1% oligarchy?
In this context, I will attempt to outline the topic of leftist forces in Macedonia. The article I mentioned is just an initial step that may one day lead to a deeper study of how leftist ideology in Macedonia managed to survive the dominance of the neoliberal narrative and what its prospects are. This is not merely an academic question but an essential one, as the alternative to socialism is barbarism—something we are already witnessing globally, from the consequences of American militarism to the ongoing violence in Gaza.
Defining the Left in Macedonia
The first challenge is defining what the left (with a lowercase "l") represents in the contemporary Macedonian political spectrum. Confusion often arises when political forces and actors who have little in common with leftist ideology claim the label. For example, a recent article on a popular portal discussed the left but focused on the Democratic Party in the US, describing the Democrats as leftists—without quotation marks. Such misrepresentations can be seen as collateral damage from the so-called "woke" ideology, which has distorted concepts like identity, human rights, and media freedom. But that is a topic for another discussion.
In the Balkans, and particularly in Macedonia, ideology seems to have been expelled from academic and intellectual discourse. It is equally absent in political and party life. The ideologized representation of the EU is not organically rooted in society but has been imposed as a political and moral framework following the collapse of socialism (and the SFRY). From the moment the West began to view the region as a land of savages in need of guidance, the "European ideology" was introduced to fill the vacuum left by the transition from communism/socialism. But transition to what? As the Croatian philosopher Boris Buden aptly puts it, it is a transition to "one big nothing." The capitalist triumphalism of the 1990s, immortalized by Fukuyama, has left nothing but ruins—both in the Balkans and globally. Liberalism is in deep crisis, and it is unclear where it is worse: in Europe or across the Atlantic. The therapies and reforms imposed on the Balkans have erased any notion of popular sovereignty, participatory democracy, or ideology, replacing them with regimes that prioritize geopolitical alignment with Brussels and Washington. When domestic processes fail, the blame is placed on the "locals," who are deemed insufficiently honest or competent to understand Western directives. This patronizing attitude is often echoed by Western ambassadors and officials, who speak openly about the need to change the "mentality" of the region.
Yet, Western therapies have not yielded the desired results. The internal crisis of capitalism, particularly after 2008, and the global trend of militarization (with over 700 US military bases worldwide) have further exacerbated the situation. The consequences of building a capitalist society on the ruins of socialism, alongside the rise of a new wealthy class, have been devastating. Criminal privatization and the transformation of social property have left the majority of society without social security, erasing the progressive elements of socialism. This social collapse has gradually led to widespread dissatisfaction, giving rise to grassroots social and socialist (essentially leftist) initiatives and movements. These movements often emerge as reactions to specific social issues, marking the beginning of a new phase in the struggle for social justice.
The Emergence of "Levica"
The formation of the political party "Levica" was preceded by nearly a decade of small-scale battles fought on a horizontal basis, without a strict structure, ideological vision, or centralized leadership. This is a common trajectory for modern leftist movements, which often oscillate between remaining outside the system or engaging in institutional politics through elections. While the ultimate goal of both approaches is the same, the former risks self-isolation or NGO-ization, while the latter requires navigating the rules of neoliberal politics, often at the cost of compromise.
"Levica" has faced its share of internal challenges, including fractures, factions, and fragmentations—issues that have plagued leftist movements historically. As an old political joke goes, when a leftist party convenes a meeting, the first item on the agenda is division and quarreling. The solution often lies in adopting democratic centralism as a guiding principle, though this carries the risk of concentrating power within the party and fostering suspicion toward outsiders. Despite these challenges, "Levica" has managed to grow from a marginal participant in the electoral race to a parliamentary group with six MPs. Its recent success in local elections has also expanded its infrastructure and presence across the country.
In a regional context, "Levica" stands out as one of the fastest-growing leftist parties and one of the few with a presence in parliament. Other examples include "Levica" in Slovenia and "Možemo" in Croatia, though each operates in a distinct political environment. However, "Levica" faces ongoing attacks and accusations of nationalism, populism, and even fascism—labels often used to discredit leftist parties that oppose NATO, the war in Ukraine, or maintain ties with the Chinese Communist Party. Unlike some of its counterparts, "Levica" has yet to articulate a clear stance on European integration, likely due to fears of alienating citizens who still view EU membership as a lifeline.
The Path Forward
One of the key challenges for "Levica" is balancing horizontal and vertical action—engaging with grassroots movements while also participating in institutional politics. The party must also navigate the delicate issue of national identity, particularly in a country where the constitutive people face ongoing pressure to erase their identity. "Levica" has taken a firm stance on this issue, even more so than parties that claim to be "patriotic." However, the Macedonian story has not been effectively communicated beyond the country's borders, limiting international solidarity and support.
To strengthen its position, "Levica" must build networks of solidarity with similar parties in Europe and beyond. The example of "Syriza" in Greece serves as a cautionary tale, demonstrating that leftist parties cannot sustain themselves within the confines of a single state. Internationalism is a necessary dimension that must be nurtured, especially in a world increasingly defined by multipolarity.
In conclusion, the revival of the left in Macedonia is not just a political or academic question but an existential one. The alternative to socialism is barbarism—a reality we are already witnessing globally. "Levica" and other leftist forces must continue to educate and mobilize the people, building networks of solidarity and resisting the forces of neoliberalism and imperialism. Only then can they hope to create a society rooted in justice, equality, and true democracy.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvfc53qf maybe the ‘commons’ approach would be good for Macedonia, and have some ideological common ground with the left in terms of approach.